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12 - The Impact of the Japanese Internment Experience on the Lives of the Survivors | Keiko Namekata
The Impact of the Japanese Internment Experience
On the Lives of the Survivors
Keiko Namekata
Orientation and Training Center Manager at the Washington State Department of Services for the Blind (retired in 2014)
This report was submitted on March 4, 1994 as a term paper to Professor Hubert Lock who taught “Race and Public Policy (P.A. 522)“ in Master’s Program of Public Administration at the College of Public Affairs, the University of Washington, Seattle, Washington. Ms. Namekata graduated with Master’s degree in 1996.
Author’s Notes
In order to maintain confidentiality of the individuals interviewed, the initials of their sir names were used.
Peter Irons’ book, Justice At War and John Tateishi’s book, And Justice For All, were recorded on audio cassettes by the Library of Congress for print impaired. As a result, exact page numbers referenced in paper were not available. The initial "s" refers to the side number of the tape and the initial "t" refers to the tone index which are used as auditory markers for sections or chapters.
INTRODUCTION
The bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 by the Japanese military triggered a series of executive and military actions which effectively and completely excluded all persons of Japanese ancestry from the west coast. About one-hundred and twenty thousand men, women, children, and the elderly were uprooted from their homes without cause, solely on the basis of their race. Out of the one-hundred and twenty thousand interned, about seventy-seven thousand of them were American citizens, born and raised in this country.
In a nation founded on the principle of equality and justice for all, how could such an act of total injustice occur? Why did the Japanese-Americans and their families so passively and cooperatively obey the orders to evacuate? Where was the public? Did they not understand that the incarceration of citizens without cause and due process was wrong? Did they not understand that such an action could not be taken against any group of people because of their common identity?
The purpose of this paper is to examine the circumstances and reasons for such a massive evacuation and the impact of this experience on the lives of those individuals who have survived it. The focus of this paper is not to recapture the history of the evacuation and internment or to provide an accurate account of political, military or judicial actions; but, rather, to look at the attitudes and behaviors of those interned and those who made it possible for such atrocious acts to occur. Toward this end, I have interviewed a total of six men and women currently living in Seattle who agreed to assist me in this endeavor. I express my sincere appreciation for their time and their willingness to share with me the stories about their experiences.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION ABOUT THE INDIVIDUALS INTERVIEWED
Three men and three women in their seventies and eighties were interviewed. At the time of evacuation, all but one man were American citizens, second generation Japanese-Americans. All resided in Washington state with the exception of one man who lived in California. Three of the individuals lived in the Japanese community in Seattle, approximately in the area currently designated as the International District. One man lived in Seattle outside of this Japanese community and one woman was born and raised on Bainbridge Island but lived in the University District at the time of the evacuation. There were two individuals enrolled at the University of Washington. The remaining four individuals were self employed or worked as unskilled laborers.
BEFORE THE WAR
With the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, an invitation was extended to Japan to provide the cheap labor in the West which was formerly supplied by the Chinese. In 1900, there were about 24,000 Japanese immigrants in the United States. As with the Chinese population, the Japanese immigrants wanted to make money .and return to their native land. However, many stayed in America despite the hardship, discrimination and prejudice to build a better life for their children. Fearing rapid expansion of the Japanese population, a treaty with Japan was established restricting immigration to 185 persons per year. And finally in 1924, with rapid expansion of Japanese population as a result of multiple offsprings, the Japanese immigration was completely ceased. (Takeuchi, Forward, unnumbered)
The first signs of anti-Japanese sentiments began to appear in California around the turn of the century. The San Francisco Labor Union protested the Japanese immigration, fearing economic competition. Following the Japanese victory over Russia, pro-Russian feelings further heightened the Anti-Japanese sentiments. As the Japanese farmers prospered and began their own farming, large and small farmers in California began to signal alarm. They began to demand the exclusion of Japanese workers and accused them of being a source of cheap labor and said they were invading the country, albeit peacefully. If unchecked, the Japanese would take over the entire country, said the American farmers. Furthermore, with the onset of the Great Depression and the invasion of Manchuria by the Japanese military, the fear and resentment of the economic invasion by the Japanese immigrants and their offsprings were intensified in the west coast Americans. (Tenbroek, p. 62)
Surprisingly, all of the individuals interviewed indicated that they encountered very little outright discrimination or prejudice. The two women who lived in the Japanese community here felt that they were relatively protected and sheltered from such behavior. Their lives revolved around the Japanese churches, Japanese language school, and their community functions. They felt safe and comfortable among their own people. They were totally unaware of the world outside their community. Their parents did not share their problems or experiences with the children.
Mrs. S. stated that she enjoyed the Japanese culture, particularly the language. She said she did very little outside of the Japanese community and had very little interactions with the non-Japanese population.
Dr. I. stated that it was not until her enrollment at the University of Washington that she became aware of her minority status. She knew that there were some Japanese students but did very little to interact with them because of her studies and the need to help out in father’s family business. The only act of discrimination which she recalled was that as Japanese immigrants, her parents were not allowed to own property. As a result, the first opportunity to do so was when Dr. I’s first daughter was born and they purchased a home for the family.
Mrs. K. was born and raised on Bainbridge Island. Her father was a farmer and all of the children helped out on the farm as much as they could. There were five or six Japanese families in the area and they gathered together on Sundays for services and various holiday functions. Mrs. K. stated that the majority of her friends during the early years of childhood were not Japanese. She was welcomed into their homes and felt no different from those around her. Upon graduation from high school, she secured employment with the University Women’s Club as a salad girl. She was the first Japanese woman to be hired in this Club. This came about only because of her friendship with the manager of the establishment.
Mr. A. was born and raised in Seattle, but outside of the Japanese community. His father encouraged both participation in various school activities beyond the academic subjects and full integration into the community. As a result, Mr. A. believed, and took part, in all of the activities granted to American citizens. He encountered his first discrimination when he tried to join the ROTC in high school and was turned down. He made another attempt at the University of Washington but was rejected because of "flat feet". He found this somewhat ironic since in 1941, just two years later, he passed the physical for the army.
Mr. S. immigrated to this country at the age of ten with his family. He acquired a skill as a tailor as a young man and began a laundry and tailoring business with his brother-in-law. He stated that because of his trade, he did not encounter any outward discrimination. People needed his services and he was able to provide a quality product.
Mr. M. was born in the United States but was sent back to Japan to receive a formal Japanese education as the eldest son and heir to the family name. He returned to the United States at the age of 16 in hopes of obtaining education and pursuing a career. Because of the family’s economic constraints and his father’s attitude toward education, he was unable to pursue his dream. He helped out with the family farm but soon left home to work on other farms to bring in revenue for the family. At two dollars a day, he was unable to save much money. But finally in 1939, he had accumulated sufficient capital to lease a farm and purchase livestock and farm equipment. He invited his parents and his brothers to join him in farming the land. He stated that although there was some prejudice in the form of name calling and the like, he did not pay much attention to it. After all, he said, he was an American citizen, entitled to the same rights, privileges, and protection afforded by the Constitution to any other citizen.
The experiences of these individuals only gives us a glimpse of what was happening to many Japanese-Americans and their parents. As long as the Japanese people remained in their community or worked as a labor force outside of the community, people encountered very little prejudice or discrimination. Many young Japanese-Americans attended universities with hopes of acquiring higher paying professional jobs and to compete side by side with other Americans. And because of their determination and desire, most students excelled in their academic studies. Yet, when it was time to compete for employment, most were unable to secure employment. Many returned to their Japanese communities to work in their family business or as professionals within their community. Some migrated inland where discrimination tended to be less blatant and others sought opportunities in Japan, the same country which their parents had left to create better opportunities for their children.
THE EVACUATION
Following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December of 1941, the United States Government declared war on Japan. Within a few hours following the attack, a number of Japanese aliens suspected of subversive fifth column activities were taken by FBI officials. Many Japanese community leaders who held positions as ministers, Japanese language teachers, leaders in Japanese membership organizations, newspaper reporters and those who contributed to organizations in Japan were accused of subversive activities and imprisoned without a moment’s notice. Their personal papers, cameras, radios, and short-wave equipment were confiscated as evidence of sabotage. Following these swift actions, J. Edgar Hoover, the Director of FBI, announced to President Roosevelt that the West coast was made secure and that no further military action was needed except to keep close surveillance of the activities in the Japanese communities. However there was considerable pressure from the various anti-Japanese civilian groups in California and from anti-Japanese propaganda fomented by the major newspapers such as the Hearst paper. Lieutenant General DeWitt and California Attorney General Earl Warren stated a fear of a potential west coast invasion by the Japanese military and were in charge of the Western Command to demand the exclusion of Japanese-Americans from the west coast states. Bowing to such pressures, President Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 on February 19, 1942, empowering the Secretary of War to prescribe military areas and to provide for the exclusion from such areas, any persons whose presence was deemed dangerous to the national defense.
On March 2, 1942, Lieutenant General DeWitt, the commanding general of western defense command, issued the first of a series of proclamations. He declared the western portion of the three west coast states and the southern part of Arizona as military area number 1. On March 14, 1942, the Wartime Civil Control Administration was established under the Western Defense Command, led by Cornell Carl R. Bendetson, who was responsible for the direct supervision of the Evacuation Program. On March 21, 1942, legislation providing penalties for persons violating orders issued by military commanders was passed by the Congress. On March 23, 1942, 1000 volunteers from Los Angeles went to an assembly center at Manzanar to assist in the building of a community for later arrivals. On March 23, 1942, Lieutenant General J. L. DeWitt issued Civilian Exclusion Order Number 1, which ordered the evacuation of all persons of Japanese descent living on Bainbridge Island on or before March 30, 1942. Initially, the Japanese were encouraged to voluntarily move out of the prescribed area. But, they met with violence and strong protest from those in the communities where they attempted to re-settle. As a result, the Commanding General issued an order prohibiting further migration of people of Japanese descent on March 27, 1942, effective March 29th. On March 27, 1942, the Curfew Order became effective, requiring all persons of Japanese ancestry living in Military Area Number 1 to remain in their residence between the hours of 8 p.m. to 6 a.m. Furthermore, it Prohibited the possession of fire arms, explosives, camera, radios, transmitting sets or short wave receiving sets and barred travel requiring more than five miles from home without a permit.
Ninety eight (98) additional Civilian Exclusion Orders were issued to complete the evacuation on June 8, 1942. There were a total of fifteen Evacuation Centers and most of them were set up on race tracks or fair grounds. Stables and other existing structures were converted to provide poor and simple accommodations.
On March 18, 1942, the War Relocation Authority, a non-military agency, was created by President Roosevelt. Milton F. Eisenhower was appointed to plan and execute an orderly relocation of evacuees. Dillon S. Meyer became the director on June 17 and selected sites for 10 relocation centers and began their construction.
Evacuation of people from Military Area 2 began on July 9, 1942, directly to relocation centers. These individuals lived in remote places far away from the coast where they posed no threat of sabotage. On November 1, 1942, the final evacuation of people from evacuation centers to relocation centers was complete. (Takeuchi, Forward, unnumbered)1
At the time of the announcement of the bombing of Pearl Harbor, each of the individuals were going about their usual daily routines. No one had any inkling of what was to come. No one had ever suspected that their rights and privileges as citizens would be so easily taken away. For various reasons, all of them without resistance obeyed the evacuation order.
Mr. A. stated that he was skating with friends when the announcement came over the radio. As soon as the announcement was made, a separation became clear between him and his classmates. "We’ll take care of the Japs and you take care of the girls," said his classmates. Mr. A. was served induction notice on December 10, three days after the attack on Pearl Harbor. He immediately went for his physical and passed. He was later denied because of his ethnic origin. His father was immediately taken away by FBI and accused of some wrong doing. To this day, Mr. A. does not know why. Since his father owned a shoe business, he was preoccupied with business transactions. He had to dispose of all of the merchandise and close the store. In addition, he owned other property which he had to find someone to lease. He had very little time to think about what was going on. All Japanese-Americans were encouraged by the leadership of the Japanese American Citizen’s League, a young organization composed of inexperienced Japanese Americans to cooperate with the law and not resist the evacuation orders. He along with others obediently cooperated with the orders. Mr. A. stated that if he was not so busy preparing for the evacuation, he might have joined Gordon Hirabayashi who resisted the Curfew and Evacuation Orders. "I just didn’t have the time to think!" said Mr. A.
Mr. and Mrs. S. were recently married and expecting their first child when the news of the attack was announced. Mr. S. stated that he was cleaning the kitchen drawer on Sunday morning when the news was blasted over the radio. A total surprise! At that time, Mr. S. And his brother-in-law ran a tailoring and dry-cleaning business. They were given very little notice and quickly had to close the business and dispense with furniture and other personal belongings. Fortunately, Mrs. S.’s parents owned a home where they were able to store some of the items. As soon as the announcement of the evacuation was made, people began to come around looking for things to buy. Pressed with time, they were forced to sell items at almost no cost. They felt wronged and betrayed by their government. Although Mr. S. had spent the majority of his life in America and had proven his loyalty to America by being a productive, law abiding person, he was not allowed by law to become a naturalized citizen. Mrs. S. on the other hand was a legal citizen; yet, her rights were so easily taken away. What can one do against such a force like the United State government?
Mr. M. learned about the attack on Pearl Harbor from his friend who bolted into the house shouting that Japan had attacked America. He feared for his father, the only non-citizen in the family. However they believed that the rest of them as citizens of the United States were protected under the Constitution. As the news of the Executive Order 9066 reached them and the call for volunteers to assist in constructing the evacuation center at Manzanar was announced, Mr. M. and his family all volunteered. At this time one of his brothers was already serving in the U.S. Army. When asked why they volunteered, Mr. M.’s reply was "What can one individual do against a big power?" They were also told that "this was for their own good!" If they had remained, they would have encountered violence and physical harm because of the tremendous hostility against the Japanese. "We look alike and they couldn’t tell the difference from the aliens and citizens," said Mr. M. Their decision to volunteer was based on their sense of powerlessness and the fear of retaliation from the community. He sold his livestock but left all of the equipment, furniture and other household items on the property. Who knows what happened to them. He never returned to the area again.
Mrs. K. was just nineteen, full of life and looking forward to love, marriage and a bright future. She had no interest in world affairs or politics in her own community. She had a radio but mostly listened to music and didn’t pay any attention to the newspapers. She earned of the bombing from her co-workers. As the news of the evacuation orders began to surface, people around her began to question the legality of such exclusion. "I was in love with a Japanese man who had a gas station in the Japanese community. The only thing I was concerned about was not getting separated," she said. In order to avoid such an occurrence, they were married in April prior to the evacuation in May. Mrs. K. stated that there were many girls who took similar actions which resulted in many child births while in camps. "We were forced to grow up fast," she said.
Dr. K. was a second-year student in pre-med. at the University of Washington when the attack on Pearl Harbor occurred. Although she continued her studies and routines of study and work, she noted a change in the public reactions. She felt that she was being scrutinized. She was confused about her identity and felt somewhat guilty about the attack. "We were very obedient kids and followed the model, "Don’t make waves!’" she said. She had already started her spring quarter of classes but dropped out when the evacuation order was issued. She remembers her parents burning pictures and personal papers. Although twenty-one at the time, she did not question why this might have been. Her parents stored as much of the personal belongings as they could in their home and sold the rest of the items from the restaurant to prepare for the evacuation.
There were, however, three individuals who challenged the constitutionality of the curfew and evacuation orders. Minoru Yasui, an attorney in Portland, Oregon, was the first individual to challenge the legality of the curfew order in the absence of Marshall Law and viewed it as a restriction directed at a group of citizen based solely on ancestry. Gordon Hirabayashi, a senior at University of Washington, also challenged the orders by violating the curfew and refusing to follow the evacuation order. He presented himself to the Federal Bureau of Investigation. He was convicted and imprisoned for nine months in the King County Jail. Fred Korematsu, a resident of the San Francisco area, was also arrested and convicted by the Federal district courts. These cases were appealed to the United States Supreme Court. It accepted the government’s argument of military necessity without examining the evidence and declared that the forced exclusion and detention of American citizens without cause and based solely ancestry was constitutional. Justice Robert Jackson dissented, stating that "The Court for all times has validated the principle of racial discrimination in criminal procedure. And the principle then lies about like a loaded weapon and ready for the hand of any authority that can bring forward a plausible claim of an urgent need." (Tateishi, s. 1, t. 1) This judgement was criticized by Constitutional experts as some of the worst decisions ever made by the Supreme Court.
In view of these findings, the views shared by the people interviewed and thousands of others who passively cooperated with the evacuation orders were understandable. Their powerlessness as private individuals, uninformed about their guaranteed rights under the Constitution and the process of the judicial system, and the lack of strong leadership among their race, and their Japanese culture and tradition which instills obedience and conformity were all factors which contributed to the peaceful mass evacuation of Japanese-Americans.
THE INTERNMENT EXPERIENCE
Following the temporary evacuation at fifteen centers throughout the coastal states, evacuees were moved to ten relocation camps in the remote deserts of Wyoming, Utah, Arkansas, Colorado, Arizona, California and Idaho. Many were unprepared for the extreme weather conditions. They were crammed into trains with shades drawn down. All they had was whatever personal possessions they could carry.
All of the individuals interviewed, with the exception of Mr. M., were first evacuated to a center at Puyallup and later relocated to Minidoka, Idaho. Sentiments of all were similar. Rows of tar papered barracks and barbed wire fences with armed guards were their new homes. The relocation camps were desolate and remote and afforded no privacy.
Mr. A. remarked that he saw long lines at the mess hall waiting their turn for food. He saw old disabled people waiting in line along with others. He wanted to make lives better for them, and so he negotiated with the head of food service and began a food delivery service to those elderly and disabled.
Mrs. K. stated that she escaped to the bathroom stalls to seek privacy. Here she could be alone to have a moment of peace. For her, the lack of privacy was the greatest infringement on her rights. She also added that the food was just atrocious. Her pregnancy added to the distaste of camp food.
Mr. and Mrs. S. lost their first daughter at child-birth due to complications during delivery while still at Puyallup. The doctor could not do anything as it was just a make-shift hospital on the camp grounds. Their second daughter was born in Minidoka. Mrs. S. fondly remembered her husband building a small potty training chair for their daughter from scraps of lumber used to build the camp facilities.
Dr. K. was one of the more fortunate ones. As a student, she was allowed to leave the camp as long as she could find a university which was willing to accept Japanese students. Her interment was very short, only about seven months. As a result, she had very little memory of this experience.
Mr. M. spent little over one year at Manzanar. When the construction was completed, he joined the crew distributing food supplies to various kitchens. He recalled one incident where a Japanese civilian was killed. A Japanese man was accused of some wrong doing. Fellow men went in support of him and in protest of his arrest. The armed guards fired shots into the air to disperse the crowd; however, one shot was fired into the crowd which resulted in death. For the remainder of the time, he recalled no other incidents out of the ordinary. Despite the camp’s deplorable conditions, at least his family was together, had a roof over their head and food to eat.
THE LOYALTY QUESTIONNAIRE
In 1943, the War Relocation Authority, the civilian agency created to administer the relocation camps, issued a leave-clearance form to all adults over the age of seventeen. This act brought about heated debate among the camp residents and divided family members. There were two questions in particular, numbers 27 and 28, which addressed the issues of loyalty to the United States Government. The first question asked if they were willing to serve in the United States armed forces in combat duty and the second asked them to swear allegiance to the United States government and forswear allegiance to the Japanese government. There were tremendous pressures to respond "yes, yes" from the leaders of Japanese Americans Citizen’s League and from those who did not wish to make waves. Although many were willing to fight in the armed forces, they could not forswear allegiance to Japanese government. This would have implied that American-born Japanese would have claimed loyalty to the Japanese government. Most had never been in Japan and knew nothing about the Emperor or the Japanese government. By saying "no" to the second question, however, they would have claimed an unintended disloyalty to the United States government. Each camp was divided into "no, no” and "yes, yes," groups. Those responding "no, no" to the questions were sent to Tule Lake camp, a segregation camp designed to isolate the trouble makers and the disloyal. Those responded to "yes, yes" joined the newly formed all Japanese American combat team, the 442nd Regiment. Combined with the Japanese Hawaiian 100th battalion, they numbered over 33,000 in total. They were the most decorated unit during World Ward II. This was a true testimony of their loyalty to the United States government. After all, many of their parents, wives and children were still interned behind barbed wire fences.
Both Mr. M. and Mr. A. responded to the questionnaires "no, no" for differing reasons. Mr. M. stated that having been raised in Japan for twelve years he could not consciously fight against Japan. He would be fighting against his own cousins and friends who he had played with and attended school. He also informed the authorities that he would not serve in the Japanese military since his parents and brothers remained in the United States. His only choice was to forsake his citizenship and return to Japan. He was transferred to Tule Lake in the Summer of 1943. He then was sent to Santa Fe, New Mexico prior to being shipped back to Japan in September of 1945. Isn’t it ironic that the unconditional surrender by the Japanese government took place at least a month prior to his return to Japan?
Mr. A. on the other hand responded to the questions "no, no" on the principle that his rights as a citizen were taken away. This was his way of protesting to the United States government. As a Japanese American, his military status was changed from 1-A (accepted), to 4-C (alien not eligible). By this action he viewed that his citizenship was taken away. To test this, he applied to the Spanish government and War Relocation Authority for repatriation. His request was approved by both authorities, thereby confirming that his U.S. citizenship was revoked. He was served induction notice and appealed on the ground that he was not a legal citizen. He was picked up by the FBI on May 25, 1944 having violated the induction notice. He later received the notice in June to report to the induction center on May 24, 1944. He was given a jury trial but convicted nevertheless and sent to McNeil Island prison during the Fall of 1944. He was released in 1947 and returned to Seattle.
LIFE AFTER CAMP
People began to leave relocation camps 1943, as they were able to find employment in the interior of the United States. Some continued to remain after the war. On December 16, 1944, the War Department announced the revocation of the exclusion policy and the long awaited gate to freedom was opened. (Tateishi, s. 1, t. 1) For lack of places to relocate, many returned to the area where they had left. Some were fortunate to have homes to which they could return. Others temporarily stayed with families, friends and acquaintances. For the Seattle area Japanese, they returned to the old Japanese community where there was the least resistance to them and affordable housing. The area gradually extended southward to Rainier Valley and Beacon Hill. With the breakdown of small businesses run by the first generation, the second generation Japanese were forced to look for employment elsewhere. Many sought employment in the public sector where discrimination tended to be less. In 1952, the first Japanese-American was hired by Boeing. Veterans took advantage of the educational opportunities and sought employment in the white collar positions. The Japanese immigrants were finally allowed to become naturalized citizens in 1952, their long awaited dream finally realized. With the passage of the "Open Housing Act" in 1968, Japanese Americans were able to expand outward and participate more fully participate in Society. (Gelernter, Seattle Times, 2/16/1992)
Despite the hardship and prejudice encountered following the internment experience, all of the individuals interviewed have established themselves in Seattle area. All had married and raised families and pursued their various occupations.
Mr. and Mrs. S. returned initially to her parents’ home and later settled in the Beacon Hill area. Mr. S. had no difficulty securing employment because of his skill as a tailor.
Dr. K. returned to Seattle after completing her internship to practice medicine in the Japanese community. She attempted to secure residency in the Seattle area hospitals. But because of her ethnicity, no hospital was willing to give her the opportunity. She however, had plenty to do in the Japanese community since the bulk of the first generation Japanese returned to the same community from where they were forced to evacuate.
Mr. A., after his release from prison, returned to Seattle and sought employment with the City of Seattle. He encountered discrimination even in the initial phase. He related his encounters with the City Personnel Office where he was told time and time again that the City was not hiring. On one occasion, his friend applied and was given an application form after being told that there were no vacancies. He immediately returned to the office and demanded an application. After some argument, he eventually received an application and obtained a job as an aid. "I had to start somewhere and work my way up," he said.
Mrs. K. stated that she did not stay in Minidoka Camp very long. As soon as he was able to leave, Mr. K. found employment in Salt Lake City, Utah, as a mechanic in airplane hydraulic systems. She soon followed after the birth of her first son in March of 1943. They returned to Seattle as soon as the situation in Seattle settled. When her children were sufficiently grown, she began to make drawings of pets. This gave her an opportunity to interact with caucasians in the Seattle area. Through this interaction, she felt that she was able to help educate individuals about the Japanese people and their culture.
Mr. M. secured employment with the Japanese railroad shortly after his return to Japan. He was married and had a daughter. Ironically, he spent most of his work life in Japan acting as an interpreter for the American military personnel during occupation era. His citizenship with the United States government was restored and he returned to the United States in 1959 with his family.
THE REPARATION
During the first twenty-five years following the internment experience, the Japanese-Americans were preoccupied in re-establishing their careers and families. As the leadership shifted from the older to younger members of the Japanese American Citizens League, they began to question the legitimacy of the interment of Japanese-Americans and demanded reparation. This effort grew and obtained support of Congress. On August 2, 1979, six senators jointly introduced the bill "Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians Act" to establish a commission to examine the facts surrounding the evacuation and recommend appropriate remedies. A companion bill was introduced in the House. Both bills passed and the amended version of the Senate bill was signed by President Jimmy Carter on July 31, 1980.
In February 1983, the nine member Commission condemned the internment of Japanese Americans as a "grave injustice and as the product of decisions conceived in haste and executed in an atmosphere of fear and anger at Japan. Executive Order 9066 was not justified by military necessity but have been prompted instead by race, prejudice, war hysteria, and a failure of political leadership." (Irons, s. 11, t. 1)
The three test cases filed by Gordon Hirabayashi, Minoru Yasui, and Fred Korematsu were appealed and decisions were reversed. Gordon Hirabayashi, the only case to reach the Federal Court, finally obtained reversal of his conviction in 1986.
In 1988, Congress passed a bill which extended a formal apology and offered twenty thousand dollars to all surviving individuals interned. (Iratani, Post Intelligencer, 2/8/1992)
So the chapter in one of the darkest moments in our history came to a close. Did the reparation compensate for the losses and suffering endured by those interned based solely on race? All of the individuals interned responded "no!" Nothing could ever substitute for all that they had lost. However, By this action, they were able to lift their burden of guilt and shame that they had held within. "The money was nice, but the formal apology was worth the wait," said Mr. S.
CONCLUSION
No one would deny that a great injustice was inflicted on a group of American citizens solely based on their ancestry. This happened because of the tremendous hostility toward the Japanese built on prejudice and fear, lack of responsible leadership in the United States government, and the ignorance and inexperience among the leaders in the Japanese Americans. Can this happen again? Unless each one of us protect and exercise our Constitutional rights, such an event can occur in a time of crisis. We must also take care to respect one another and to look at one another as individuals and not as one of the group.
Dr. Frank Miyamoto, a professor at University of Washington emeritus, stated in the Seattle Post Intelligencer on February 16, 1992 that the economic and social changes which happened in the Japanese American population would have eventually occurred as a natural process of acculturation. However, such cataclysmic events as a war could hasten the process. Today, the Japanese Americans no longer cluster around the former Japanese community area. Many have moved into the outskirts of the City and into the suburbs. Dr. K. remarked in her interview that one of the positive things that came out of the experience is that people were forced to leave the Japanese community and integrate into society. However, there were negative impacts as well. Because of the extreme prejudice encountered by many returning Japanese Americans, they were forced to give up their language, culture, and support for each other. They refrained from gatherings and sharing their customs. Trying to be invisible, they paid a price to become true Americans. A comment from a third generation Japanese-American teenager aptly described her sentiment: "I am like a lemon, yellow on the outside and white on the inside." Yet we cannot escape out heritage. If we are to truly accept ourselves and be accepted by those around us, then we must acknowledge our ancestry and adopt those aspects of out culture and intertwine them with our American heritage. We are no longer the Japanese-Americans but we are Americans who are Japanese. Mrs. K. stated that, “The cycle is returning. Our Sansei, third generation, and Yonsei, fourth generation, are taking interest in the Japanese culture and language. Sometimes, ironically, instructed by white Americans." We look to the future with hope when all people are treated equally and entitled to the same rights and privileges as promised in our "Constitution".
REFERENCES
Takeuchi, Tom: Minidoka interlude: Residents of Minidoka relocation center. Hunt, Idaho. (Forward, unnumbered)
TenBroek, Jacobus & Barnhart, Edward N. & Matson, Floyd W. (1954). Prejudice, war and the constitution. Berkeley: University of California Press. (p. 62)
Takeuchi, Tom: Minidoka interlude: Residents of Minidoka relocation center. Hunt, Idaho. (Forward, unnumbered)
Tateishi, John (1984). And justice for all: An oral history of the Japanese American detention camps. John Tateishi. (s. 1, t. 1)
Tateishi, John (1984). And justice for all: An oral history of the Japanese American detention camps. John Tateishi. (s. 1, t. 1)
Quan Gelernter, Carey (1992, February 16). The Seattle Times / Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Exiled within.
Irons, Peter (1983). Justice at war: The story of the Japanese American internment cases. Oxford University Press. (s. 11, t. 1)
Iritani, Evelyn (1992, February 18). Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Liberty and justice for all.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Connor, John W. (1977). Acculturation and the retention of an ethnic identity in three generations of Japanese Americans. San Francisco: R & E Research Associates.
Girdner, Audrie & Loftis, Anne (1969). The great betrayal; The evacuation of the Japanese-Americans during world war II. New York: Macmillan.
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Irons, Peter (1983). Justice at war: The story of the Japanese American internment cases. Oxford University Press.
Tateishi, John (1984). And justice for all: An oral history of the Japanese American detention camps. John Tateishi.
TenBroek, Jacobus & Barnhart, Edward N. & Matson, Floyd W. (1954). Prejudice, war and the constitution. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Takeuchi, Tom: Minidoka interlude: Residents of Minidoka relocation center. Hunt, Idaho
NEWSPAPER ARTICLES
Frisino, Joe (1983, March 13). Seattle Post-Intelligencer. "Go for Broke" leader recounts Nisei unit's blood and bravery.
Iritani, Evelyn (1992, February 18). Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Liberty and justice for all.
Mano, Mark (1978, December). The International Examiner. "It's been 30 years of recovery".
Okimoto, Randy (1978, December). The International Examiner. Camp Harmony Revisited, Reparation effort begins.
Pacific Citizen (1983, May 27). Puyallup Memorial Gets Underway, Seeks Funds.
Quan Gelernter, Carey (1992, February 16). The Seattle Times / Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Exiled within.
Quan Gelernter, Carey (1991, November 24). The Seattle Times / Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Artifacts of Internment.
Woo, Vicki (1978, December). The International Examiner. Reverend Edward Iwamoto. "We evacuated on our own".
Yoshikawa-Cogley, Linda (1992, February 18). Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Students live the history lesson of internment.
一世パイオニア資料館
www.isseipioneermuseum.com
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